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By Pete Sarris
On April 29th the Labour Party convened in London
to repeal Clause IV of the party constitution and replace it with a statement
of "aims and values" drafted by Tony Blair and John Prescott.
During the course of the ensuing debate a delegate representing "Labour
Students" stood at the rostrum and declared, "I know what I
want and I want it now!" Judging by her effusive praise for the uniquely
verbose and ill-conceived amendment which the party leadership was proposing,
it was quite clear that - like most Labour Club hacks up and down this
country - what she wanted was a job as a research assistant.
Those who, for whatever motive, voted to accept the leadership's proposal
should realise that, in so doing, they have divested Labour of any claim
to be a socialist party and have sent a clear message to those who have
suffered most as a result of the past sixteen years of Tory Government,
that all they should expect of an incoming Labour administration is further
betrayal.
Junior Blairite amongst the Turtle's readership will no doubt object to
both these propositions. It is true that Tony Blair describes himself
describes himself as a socialist - but then so did Adolph Hitler. The
claims made by Blair that the new "aims and values" statement
represents not a turning-away from socialism, but a modernisation of the
ideology is the is the sort of pernicious lie which only the fetid soil
of post-modernism could nurture. Only if one were to accept that the word
socialism is no more than "an acoustic form" to be invested
with whatever meaning those engaged in the "discourse" choose
could one agree with Blair. To those of us who do not whittle away our
hours wearing black polo-necks, smoking gitânes and reading
Penguin Modern Classics in Islington cafés, the inanity
of the revisionist position should be evident.
Socialism and the historical tradition of protest from which it emerged
is and always has been about the abolition of class society - as John
Ball, the preacher and agitator in the peasants' revolt of 1381 put it,
"When Adam delved and Eve span, who was then the gentleman?"
Socialism aims, through the abolition of class society, to create the
sort of "equality of fundamental circumstance" (to use G. A.
Cohen's formulation) which is the necessary prerequisite for the realisation
of mankind's creative potential. The abolition of class society requires
the removal of the basis of class power - that is the private ownership
of the means of production which forces those who do not own to toil for
those who do. Only when the means of production are owned by all will
they be put to the service of all. Socialism is about ownership or it
is about nothing. Contrary to Blair's protestations, such a definition
does not represent a Marxist hi-jacking of the concept of socialism -
common ownership has been the vision of social reformers from classical
antiquity, through the Acts of the Apostles to the Diggers of seventeenth
century England precisely because it represents the only alternative
to private ownership and a class-based society.
In ditching common ownership, Labour has thus seriously weakened its commitment
to equality. As, over the coming months, Labour begins to formulate concrete
policies, the implications of this will become evident in terms of those
policy areas which are most significant to the advancement of equality.
We have already seen Labour back-track on full employment and prioritise
inflation instead. Blair is desperate to avoid implementation of a minimum
wage and has already signalled that many Tory health reforms are likely
to stay in place. As for educationw, Blair's decision to send his eldest
child to a selective school says it all. The only genuine policy difference
between the leadership of the Labour Party and John Major is that Labour
is committed to European integration and constitutional reform. Neither
of these are policy areas which should elict much enthusiasm amongst socialists.
Whilst British workers would benefit from adoption of the social chapter,
any gains would probably be off-set by moves towards a single European
currency. As for the constitution, the leadership's continued failure
to promise the abolition of the House of Lords should be a cause of dismay,
and, just as in the 1970s, the administrative implications of Scottish
and Welsh devolution threaten to paralyse the workings of government and
for that reason would render impossible the introduction of any measures
of far-reaching social reform, even if Blair could be bullied into supporting
them.
On November 27th 1993, on the eve of the closure of the Hatfield Main
colliery, the pit's NUM branch held a mass meeting and produced a statement
which, unlike Blair and Prescott's "Aims and Values" will long
be remembered by socialist historians for its clarity of vision and emotional
power. At the end of the statement, the miners declared; "Exhausted
and demoralised, the present has been taken from us. The past and the
future, however, belong to us and we shall guard them jealously... John
Major, Margaret Thatcher and the rich folk you represent - this moment
is yours, but you shall never take from us our dignity as workers who
have fought for justice and a better world. You may disperse us from this
spot, this moment in time, but our conviction shall remain wherever we
go and in the generations... who follow us". The ambition for
a socialist society existed before the Labour Party. To the horror of
Labour Party modernisers, it existed even before pesto. It is not
for the likes of Tony Blair to sign its death warrant. Wherever and whenever
men and women come face to face with the reality of exploitation and ask
themselves why, the vision of a society in which "all things are
held in common" will re-emerge.
Note: I am very grateful to G. A. Cohen for allowing me to see a draft
of his forthcoming paper "Is Socialism inseparable from common ownership?"
on which my analysis relies. I am also grately to Charles Webster for
his insights into the effect of devolution policy on the civil service
in the last Labour Government. I am very sorry for Bruno Currie.
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